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Efraín Guadarrama holds a Law degree from the Instituto Tecnológico Autónomo de México (ITAM) and a Master’s degree in Law and Economics from Erasmus University Rotterdam (Netherlands), the University of Vienna (Austria), and the University of Hamburg (Germany). He currently serves as General Advisor to the Secretary of Foreign Affairs and acts as Liaison for the Security Cabinet and Presidential Directives within the same Ministry.

During the recently concluded Bharat Summit that took place in Hyderabad, India, Guadarrama sat down with Tanya Singh to discuss CELAC, Latin America, and Mexico's role in mitigating solidarity in the current times.

This interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Tanya Singh: Cuba emphasized revitalizing CELAC as a mechanism for regional unity. In your view, what are the biggest obstacles to deeper collaboration among CELAC members?

Efraín Guadarrama: The Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) is an intergovernmental mechanism that brings together all the 33 countries from Latin America and the Caribbean to promote political dialogue and regional integration. It serves as a platform for cooperation independent of external powers that allows the regional priorities to be discussed.

One of the main challenges to deeper collaboration within CELAC is the diversity of political, economic, and regulatory systems across its member states. While this plurality enriches the region, it can complicate consensus-building, particularly on sensitive issues such as governance, democracy, and human rights.

Another obstacle lies in the fragmentation caused by overlapping regional mechanisms, which sometimes compete rather than complement each other. For example, while CELAC promotes a consensus-based approach grounded in Latin American and Caribbean sovereignty, the Organization of American States (OAS) has, in recent years, been perceived by some governments as aligned with extra-regional interests, particularly those of the United States. This perception has fueled mistrust and made it more difficult to build unified positions across regional platforms. Additionally, the influence of extra-regional actors—through economic dependencies or geopolitical alignments—often pulls national agendas in divergent directions.

Nonetheless, CELAC remains a vital platform for Latin America, precisely because of its commitment to unity in diversity. For example, Foreign Minister Juan Ramón de la Fuente of Mexico attended the China-CELAC Ministerial Meeting which took place in Beijing on 13 May.

TS: Mexico has historically played a mediating role in Latin America. How do you see Mexico’s current relationship with Cuba shaping CELAC’s agenda, especially given U.S. pressure on the region?

EG: Mexico has consistently upheld the principles of non-intervention, peaceful resolution of disputes, and respect for national sovereignty—core pillars of its foreign policy since the 1930s, known as the Estrada Doctrine. These principles have guided Mexico’s engagement in regional affairs, allowing it to maintain a dialogue with a wide spectrum of governments, regardless of political orientation. This long-standing diplomatic posture has positioned Mexico as a credible and impartial interlocutor in moments of regional tension, such as Venezuela and Colombia. President Claudia Sheinbaum, like her predecessor President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, has reaffirmed this commitment to sovereign equality and regional autonomy, ensuring that Mexico contributes constructively to forums like CELAC without imposing agendas or aligning with external powers.

Mexico’s enduring relationship with Cuba—having never severed diplomatic ties—reflects a foreign policy rooted in dialogue and sovereignty. In the context of CELAC, this bilateral relationship strengthens efforts to shape an inclusive and autonomous regional agenda that is resistant to external conditionalities and grounded in Latin American priorities like health, education, science and techology.

Through constructive engagement with all CELAC members, regardless of ideological orientation, Mexico helps preserve the space for collective solutions and shields the mechanism from global polarization. This approach was clearly demonstrated during Mexico’s pro tempore presidency of CELAC in 2020, when it presented a work plan focused on practical cooperation—in areas such as health, science, disaster response, and space technology—rather than on divisive political debates. By prioritizing consensus and tangible regional collaboration, Mexico helped rebuild trust among member states, many of which had previously grown skeptical of CELAC’s viability. This pragmatic and inclusive leadership laid the groundwork for CELAC’s revitalization in recent years.

TS: Are there specific bilateral projects where Mexico could lead by example?

EG: Certainly. Mexico has already taken substantive steps in regional health cooperation by launching the Self-Sufficiency Health Plan, adopted at the 2021 CELAC Summit in Mexico City. This initiative, supported by Cuba and other partners, seeks to reduce dependence on external pharmaceutical supply chains by fostering regional capacities in production, distribution, and research.

Furthermore, Mexico, Cuba, and Colombia have jointly proposed the creation of a Latin American and Caribbean Medicines Regulatory Agency, aimed at harmonizing standards, facilitating access to essential medicines, and strengthening public health systems throughout the region. I hope Colombia will consolidate this project during their presidency.

So CELAC can serve not only as a forum for political dialogue, but also as a platform for tangible cooperation that addresses strategic vulnerabilities and delivers concrete benefits to our populations—as shown in the pandemic— and an objective strongly supported by the administration of President Sheinbaum.

TS: CELAC aims to reduce dependency on non-regional powers. How feasible is this goal amid competing alliances today, for instance, the U.S.-led partnerships vs. China’s influence in Latin America?

EG: Reducing dependency does not imply rejecting engagement with global partners; rather, it involves strengthening internal capacities and fostering greater strategic autonomy. CELAC’s objective should be to promote diversified and balanced cooperation, while deepening intra-regional value chains, regional investment flows, and innovation ecosystems.

This goal is achievable if Latin American and Caribbean countries align efforts through joint initiatives—such as infrastructure integration, common digital and energy platforms, and food sovereignty strategies—that respond to regional priorities.

Mexico has long defended the principles of multilateralism and regional self-determination. CELAC, in that spirit, must evolve as a mechanism that enables the region to engage with the world on its own terms—collaboratively, but without subordination.

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